Before I post my summary comments on the first three chapters which you also commented on this past week, let me remind you to incorporate these summary comments in your notes. If I ask anything about this book on the final exam, it will come from this material. Also, I believe some of these comments may have some use in writing the paper for this course and possibly the short essays you will be doing later in the term.
CHAPTER 1: Creative Destruction and the Age of Urbanism
I was gratified that all three of you selected passages which I also singled out in my own reading. Understanding the phenomenon of "creative destruction," which lies at the heart of our capitalistic system, is crucial to understanding 19th and 20th century urbanization in America. This economic imperative has done a lot more to shape cities than local, state, or even federal government actions. Indeed, it appears that unless government actions were in line with the private sector (as they were in the case of the decentralizing automobile and single-family home), they tend to be voted down. As Rae observes, local government decisions depend very much on what happens OUTSIDE the city.
Transportation, of course, was a big factor in fueling city growth, as well as undermining the quality of "urbanism." The railroad played a key role in growth and centralization of cities, and the gap between the dominance of the railroad and the rise of the automobile (roughly 1870-1920) was precisely the time that Rae contends "urbanism was at its height in places like New Haven." The automobile, along with the AC electrical grid "...ended the urbanism friendly age of centered development." (p. 21)
Rae also makes a very astute observation about the cumbersome legislative process of the federal government, especially when it is working AGAINST the grain of capitalism, rather than with the grain. (see pp. 27-28)
The last section, "Urbanism Old and New," (pp. 29-31) I believe presents the basic argument of the book and it is an important one, as we consider improvements in cities today and especially in the future.
CHAPTER 2: Industrial Convergence and a New England Town
One way of thinking about this chapter is to recall my earlier observation about 19th century urbanization in America being determined mainly by CENTRIPETAL (or drawing in) forces. Of course, Rae goes into great detail about how the development of new energy sources (steam), the fixed-route railroad (and lack of variable-route modes of transportation), and industrial development, not to mention the "massive concentration of labor at the site of manufacturing," along with huge waves of immigrants, all contributed to the centralization of growth in New Haven, clustered around that original 9-square grid which was focal point of the pre-industrial New Haven. As Rae observes: "For all these reasons, steam boilers and steam fitters, factories and operatives in the thousands, sweatshops and seamstresses, tenements and families crowded into the center of New Haven and learned to live with one another at close range. This was the fragile coincidence that came apart over the course of the years 1920-1970." (p. 59)
Very interesting contrast between Doolittle's promotion of pre-industrial New Haven in 1824, which highlights its pastoral qualities (pp. 35-36) and an 1892 description which emphasized New Haven's position as a manufacturing and transportation hub. (pp. 51-52)
Finally, in highlighting the growth assumptions for New Haven circa 1910, Rae notes how far off they proved to be, because we did not realize that this era of centralization was near its end. At the end of this chapter, I made the following comment in the margins: "To make more accurate predictions, if not to make meaningful and significant changes, we must understand these larger technological/economic/ecological factors which have proven the real keys to urbanization, and not necessarily political decisions of local officials."
CHAPTER 3: Fabric of Enterprise
One thing that clearly stands out in this chapter is just how thick that fabric of enterprise had become in New Haven by the early 20th century. The opening two paragraphs (pp. 73-74) provide a nice description of the "era of urbanism" as reflected in the "fabric of enterprise." For example, Rae comments:
"In the peak years of its urbanist era, New Haven's fabric of enterprise was rich and multilayered, centered and grounded. Its richness lay in the number and variety of enterprise -- including thousands of small retail stores, services of every imaginable variety, major industrial firms of world stature. It was centered in that firms were very tightly clustered in the central city -- around its industrial nodes, where working-class housing grew up in abundance, and in its downtown business district. It was grounded in having an abundance of business organizations led and managed by people living in the city, and reliant on the city for success -- reliant on city customers, reliant on city workers, reliant on city suppliers. And it was integrated through mixed-use location, long before zoning came along to regulate and homogenize land use."
(This also comes through in the passage on p. 88 which Miya read in class.)
Rae then gets into the story of Italian entrepreneur, Sylvester Poli. It is interesting and significant where he lived: "...it is characteristic of the period that people of considerable wealth often lived close to people with very little." (p. 77), which is so different from the stark class division of today's cities.
It is also amazing how dominant the foreign-born population was, who along with a small number of blacks and Asians, amounted to over 70% of the total population. (p. 79) Nonetheless, Rae points out how that minority WASP population largely controlled the New Haven Civic Improvement Committee, although they did make room for Mr. Poli as a sort of token foreign-born member. The "City Beautiful" ideas that emanated from that committee proved no match for the energy of the largely immigrant small business community.
On p. 93, Rae identifies three factors that would later help unravel this fabric of enterprise and thereby undercut urbanism.
Bankers were also largely committed to local enterprise. The rise of the downtown department store, in its own way, contributed to this thick fabric of enterprise. And he closes the chapter by highlighting the concentration of major manufacturing companies in the downtown area, another facet of urbanism which has largely disappeared today.
____________________________
That's all for now. On Tuesday (9/28), because I'll have to leave early, we'll only cover one chapter, Chapter 4, and then we'll cover the next two chapters on Thursday. I should be able to hand back your written commentaries on Tuesday as well. See you then.
Sunday, September 26, 2010
Sunday, September 19, 2010
Critical Comments on Wirth & Looking Ahead to Tuesday
The urban text that I used previously had a great section which challenged many of the claims made by Wirth and others about the city and how it impacted human behavior and attitudes. This section was entitled:
"The Classic Theories and Modern Research: Myths and Realities"
The fundamental question being: "Is the city a heaven or a hell? A place where the best attributes of human life emerge or a place where people inevitably go bad?" (these questions may be a bit simplistic, but the text's authors go on to make some good points nonetheless.)
A. Tolerance in the City
1. Are urbanites more tolerant, less parochial than small town folk because of their exposure to people of diverse backgrounds? Research suggests that this is only partly true. Greater tolerance of others' lifesyles and attitudes is more prevalent in the city. But this could very well be NOT because of the city per se, but because city people tend to have higher levels of education and wealth, which are variables that are correlated with greater tolerance.
2. Another factor promoting greater tolerance may be migration -- that those moving to the city tend to relate to strangers better; they almost have to in order to make it. (This is not a very strong criticism because migration certainly is an urban factor.)
B. Impersonality in the City
1. Are urban relationships marked by loneliness, indifference (blase attitude), anonymity? Classical theorists such as Wirth suggested that the sheer number of people you encounter would engender this.
2. But many urbanites are not lonely; impersonality and anonymity are not dominant characteristics. The authors cite Whyte's "Street Corner Society" study of an Italian ethnic enclave in the North End of Boston which was very close-knit, just the opposite of Wirth's claim. In general, certain city areas contain many people with common interests (college students, for example) and backgrounds (ethnicity) which entail close, personal relations with others.
3. "Indeed, what seems to be significant about the urban environment is not the lack of ties and attachment but how these ties vary."
4. Often see a proliferation of voluntary associations -- groups, clubs, singles' bars, etc.
5. There may be areas of the city that are poverty stricken, dilapidated, with few or no small shops and businesses, high crime areas, where impersonality is more pronounced (and one might also include the Central Business District, CBD, in this). But NOT the city as a whole. The authors of the text, then, go on to make an important overall point:
"Wirth's mistake, and that of other classic theorists, was to allow the most visible aspects of city life, its PUBLIC DEMEANOR, to become the basis of his theory about urban life in general. Although, following Park, he did acknowledge the neighborhood element in city life, he tended to focus his attention on "street behavior." Wirth saw, of course, the hustling, competing, apparently lonely crowd. By not examining more closely the PRIVATE lives of the city's citizens, he inadvertently distorted urban life into a stereotype of impersonality."
"We are led, then, to the conclusion that the early study of both rural and urban places suffered from what might be called a "MISPLACED CONCRETENESS"....There is an important difference between the statement that one commonly sees more strangers in cities and the statement that cities are impersonal. In some ways they are; in other ways they clearly are not."
C. Density and Urban Pathology
1. Are densely populated cities breeding grounds for psychological disorders or anti-social behavior such as crime?
2. Seems to connect with common sense -- people experience more frustration, aggression in crowded settings such as a traffic jam. But is it really the crowded city causing this? Might we not feel as frustrated and angry if we broke down on a lonely country road?
3. Then there are the rat studies -- high density rat populations tend to produce a reaction known as the "BEHAVIORIAL SINK" -- aborted pregnancies, even cannibalism may occur among rats packed together in a crowded cage. Edward Hall made an explicit comparison with urban life. He contended there was a biological basis to the way we react in crowded situations (which is similar to Wirth and Simmel).
a. One problem is that no one yet has been able to locate any genetic code for spatial behavior in humans. It may well be that spatial expectations are learned (or cultural).
b. Second, Hall points to evidence of the high incidence of social problems in densely settled areas of the city, but these areas also happen to be lower-class, ethnic areas. This correlation may be SPURIOUS -- problems are really caused by the poverty, unemployment, racial discrimination, etc. and NOT population density per se. In fact, research has shown just this.
c. And human beings have a distinct advantage over rats -- supeior adaptibility.
4. And when we look at cities globally, this relationship does not hold up. Bombay (or Mumbai) India has a very high degree of urban crowding but an extremely low homicide rate.
D. Urban Malaise
1. Do urbanites feel more anxious or depressed than people in other environments?
2. Studies have shown that neither adults nor children show greater stress in an urban environment. Stress, of course, has very much to do with how a person deals with their situation, not just the situation itself. Stress-related diseases such as hypertension and heart disease were found to be lower among city residents. As the authors then observe: "A recent survey of the National Center for Health Statistics sought to find the incidence of stress-related, chronic health problems, such as hypertension and heart disease, among those over 65 years of age. The results: 47.6 per 100 for farm residents; 47.5 for small-town residents; 40.5 for city residents."
E. Finally, let me throw out another critical speculation based on my reading of "City: Urbanism and Its End": I believe Douglas Rae would argue that there was a lot that was positive about "urbanism" at its height in cities such as New Haven in the early part of the 20th century and perhaps Wirth, looking at the city some three decades later, was looking at the city when urbanism was on the decline. In any case, as insightful as both Wirth and Simmel's essays are, I believe they were basing their views more on a caricature of the city and not the city in all of its complexity.
Please incorporate the above comments in your notes, along with the material I posted on Friday (9/18), the previous blog.
_______________________
LOOKING AHEAD TO TUESDAY: Again, we will be getting into the new book I ordered for this class and I trust you have all picked up. We will cover the Preface and Chapter 1 on Tuesday. Now that I have gotten into the book a bit more, I can say that it is indeed a terrific read and awfully insightful. I believe we are all going to learn a lot about how cities in America have grown and declined over the past two centuries.
"The Classic Theories and Modern Research: Myths and Realities"
The fundamental question being: "Is the city a heaven or a hell? A place where the best attributes of human life emerge or a place where people inevitably go bad?" (these questions may be a bit simplistic, but the text's authors go on to make some good points nonetheless.)
A. Tolerance in the City
1. Are urbanites more tolerant, less parochial than small town folk because of their exposure to people of diverse backgrounds? Research suggests that this is only partly true. Greater tolerance of others' lifesyles and attitudes is more prevalent in the city. But this could very well be NOT because of the city per se, but because city people tend to have higher levels of education and wealth, which are variables that are correlated with greater tolerance.
2. Another factor promoting greater tolerance may be migration -- that those moving to the city tend to relate to strangers better; they almost have to in order to make it. (This is not a very strong criticism because migration certainly is an urban factor.)
B. Impersonality in the City
1. Are urban relationships marked by loneliness, indifference (blase attitude), anonymity? Classical theorists such as Wirth suggested that the sheer number of people you encounter would engender this.
2. But many urbanites are not lonely; impersonality and anonymity are not dominant characteristics. The authors cite Whyte's "Street Corner Society" study of an Italian ethnic enclave in the North End of Boston which was very close-knit, just the opposite of Wirth's claim. In general, certain city areas contain many people with common interests (college students, for example) and backgrounds (ethnicity) which entail close, personal relations with others.
3. "Indeed, what seems to be significant about the urban environment is not the lack of ties and attachment but how these ties vary."
4. Often see a proliferation of voluntary associations -- groups, clubs, singles' bars, etc.
5. There may be areas of the city that are poverty stricken, dilapidated, with few or no small shops and businesses, high crime areas, where impersonality is more pronounced (and one might also include the Central Business District, CBD, in this). But NOT the city as a whole. The authors of the text, then, go on to make an important overall point:
"Wirth's mistake, and that of other classic theorists, was to allow the most visible aspects of city life, its PUBLIC DEMEANOR, to become the basis of his theory about urban life in general. Although, following Park, he did acknowledge the neighborhood element in city life, he tended to focus his attention on "street behavior." Wirth saw, of course, the hustling, competing, apparently lonely crowd. By not examining more closely the PRIVATE lives of the city's citizens, he inadvertently distorted urban life into a stereotype of impersonality."
"We are led, then, to the conclusion that the early study of both rural and urban places suffered from what might be called a "MISPLACED CONCRETENESS"....There is an important difference between the statement that one commonly sees more strangers in cities and the statement that cities are impersonal. In some ways they are; in other ways they clearly are not."
C. Density and Urban Pathology
1. Are densely populated cities breeding grounds for psychological disorders or anti-social behavior such as crime?
2. Seems to connect with common sense -- people experience more frustration, aggression in crowded settings such as a traffic jam. But is it really the crowded city causing this? Might we not feel as frustrated and angry if we broke down on a lonely country road?
3. Then there are the rat studies -- high density rat populations tend to produce a reaction known as the "BEHAVIORIAL SINK" -- aborted pregnancies, even cannibalism may occur among rats packed together in a crowded cage. Edward Hall made an explicit comparison with urban life. He contended there was a biological basis to the way we react in crowded situations (which is similar to Wirth and Simmel).
a. One problem is that no one yet has been able to locate any genetic code for spatial behavior in humans. It may well be that spatial expectations are learned (or cultural).
b. Second, Hall points to evidence of the high incidence of social problems in densely settled areas of the city, but these areas also happen to be lower-class, ethnic areas. This correlation may be SPURIOUS -- problems are really caused by the poverty, unemployment, racial discrimination, etc. and NOT population density per se. In fact, research has shown just this.
c. And human beings have a distinct advantage over rats -- supeior adaptibility.
4. And when we look at cities globally, this relationship does not hold up. Bombay (or Mumbai) India has a very high degree of urban crowding but an extremely low homicide rate.
D. Urban Malaise
1. Do urbanites feel more anxious or depressed than people in other environments?
2. Studies have shown that neither adults nor children show greater stress in an urban environment. Stress, of course, has very much to do with how a person deals with their situation, not just the situation itself. Stress-related diseases such as hypertension and heart disease were found to be lower among city residents. As the authors then observe: "A recent survey of the National Center for Health Statistics sought to find the incidence of stress-related, chronic health problems, such as hypertension and heart disease, among those over 65 years of age. The results: 47.6 per 100 for farm residents; 47.5 for small-town residents; 40.5 for city residents."
E. Finally, let me throw out another critical speculation based on my reading of "City: Urbanism and Its End": I believe Douglas Rae would argue that there was a lot that was positive about "urbanism" at its height in cities such as New Haven in the early part of the 20th century and perhaps Wirth, looking at the city some three decades later, was looking at the city when urbanism was on the decline. In any case, as insightful as both Wirth and Simmel's essays are, I believe they were basing their views more on a caricature of the city and not the city in all of its complexity.
Please incorporate the above comments in your notes, along with the material I posted on Friday (9/18), the previous blog.
_______________________
LOOKING AHEAD TO TUESDAY: Again, we will be getting into the new book I ordered for this class and I trust you have all picked up. We will cover the Preface and Chapter 1 on Tuesday. Now that I have gotten into the book a bit more, I can say that it is indeed a terrific read and awfully insightful. I believe we are all going to learn a lot about how cities in America have grown and declined over the past two centuries.
Friday, September 17, 2010
Filling in Gaps & Wirth's Essay
First, let me go back to my somewhat scattered remarks about the origin and development of the city, which I presented this past Tuesday (9/14). I talked about the origin of the city and Aristotle's observation that people initially gathered in cities for security, but stayed to pursue the "good life," which I interpreted rather simply as pursuing ends that go beyond mere biological survival - hence the development of a craft life, art, etc. I also commented on the significance of the development of agriculture which provided the necessary food surplus to make cities possible. Early cities were also ceremonial centers and centers of military power. What I left out of my presentation was an interesting quote from that text I used in the past, about how this urban development was something of a mixed blessing:
"This, then, was the period of the first urban revolution. From approximately 4000 B.C.E. to 500 C.E., urban sites multiplied and their populations grew to sizes previously unknown in human history. (Rome at its apex surpassed a million people)."
"In retrospect, the first urban revolution appears to have been something of a mixed blessing. The city's greatest positive attributes are its ability to improve people's standard of living, provide choice in the conduct of life, and stimulate the human imagination. On the other hand, these first cities also had rigid social class divisions that extended the city's benefits to only a small minority of the urban population. With the emergence of city-states and urban empires, human warfare and bloodshed rose to unparalleled levels."
And with regard to urbanization in North America from colonial times through the 20th century, I just want to underscore that broad way of characterizing this period. From colonial times through the early 20th century, this was a period of "URBAN IMPLOSION" in which CENTRIPETAL FORCES were dominant and people were drawn into the city. Cities were fairly compact and densely populated, and because of industry often rather dirty and polluted. Beginning in the mid 20th century, an "URBAN EXPLOSION" takes place in which CENTRIFUGAL FORCES such as our auto/highway system begin to draw people out of central cities to surrounding suburbs. It is a time of METROPOLITAN EXPANSION, and the rise of the MEGALOPOLIS, such as the Boston-Washington D.C. corridor which is almost one continuous urban conglomeration. We will be examining some of the adverse consequences of this trend in "Geography of Nowhere" toward the end of the course and I believe it will also come up in our discussion of "City: Urbanism and Its End," which we will be getting into shortly.
I hope that helps to fill in some gaps in what I tried to present in class this past Tuesday.
WIRTH'S ESSAY
As you recall, we just got into Wirth's famous essay, "Urbanism as a Way of Life," yesterday. I want to present the rest of this in this blog, and include some critical perspective from that text I used in the past. I do this so that we can begin to discuss our new book next Tuesday according to that schedule I handed out. There is a lot more to Wirth's essay than I am going to bring out here. For example, I appreciate the plea he makes at the very end for a comprehensive theory of the city rather than a collection of unsupportable judgments about different aspects of the city. This is not to say, of course, that Wirth's theory (or Simmel's, for that matter) is the comprehensive theory we should accept and use. As I will note below, many aspects of his theory have been challenged by more recent research.
A. As you recall, Wirth begins his essay by offering a definition of the city based on THREE characteristics, and then he proceeds to deduce the social consequences that follow from each of these characteristics. His definition: The city is "a relatively large, dense, and permanent settlement of socially and culturally heterogeneous individuals." (p. 148)
1. Size of the Population Aggregate: large population size he believed to be correlated with greater occupational and cultural diversity. And with people from many different cultural backgrounds and pursuing specialized lines of work, this necessitated more dependence on formal control structures, such as a legal system. Secondary group contacts more important. Relationships come to be based more on utility and rationality. As Wirth himself says (and note his use of Simmel's term, "blase": "...the city is characterized by secondary rather than primary contacts. The contacts of the city may indeed be face-to-face, but they are nevertheless impersonal, superficial, transitory, and segmental. The reserve, the indifference, and the blase outlook which urbanites manifest in their relationships may thus be regarded as devices for immunizing themselves against the personal claims and expectations of others."
"The superficiality, the anonymity, and the transitory character of urban social relations make intelligible, also, the sophistication and the rationality generally ascribed to city-dwellers." etc. (p. 153)
2. Population density: this just intensifies the above effects. Diversity comes to be reflected in distinct neighborhoods based on class and ethnicity. Wirth called this process of specializtion, "ecological specialization." Tend to judge or regard others on (superficial) outward characteristics or symbols such as uniforms, types of homes people live in, etc. Although there may be greater toleration of differences among urbanites, there also tends to be an increase in social distance. High density may also increase anti-social behavior. And, reminiscent of Simmel, Wirth says, "The close living together and working together of individuals who have no sentimental and emotional ties foster a spirit of competition, aggrandizement, and mutual exploitation. Formal controls are instituted to counteract irresponsibility and potential disorder. Without rigid adherence to predictable routines a large compact society would scarcely be able to maintain itself. The clock and the traffic signal are symbolic of the basis of our social order in the urban world." etc. (p. 156)
3. Heterogeneity: Among the consequences of this, Wirth identifies "depersonalization." Against a background of commercial mass production and consumption, personal relations are eroded by an emphasis on money. Also, social mobility undercuts the establishment of binding traditions.
Clearly, the above theory of urbanism is quite pessimistic. The authors of that text observed: "... Wirth was pessimistic about urbanism as a way of life. He saw the city as an acid that, in time, dissolved traditional values and undermined...meaningful relationships."
____________________________
That's all for now. I'll blog the criticism of Wirth's essay on Monday.
"This, then, was the period of the first urban revolution. From approximately 4000 B.C.E. to 500 C.E., urban sites multiplied and their populations grew to sizes previously unknown in human history. (Rome at its apex surpassed a million people)."
"In retrospect, the first urban revolution appears to have been something of a mixed blessing. The city's greatest positive attributes are its ability to improve people's standard of living, provide choice in the conduct of life, and stimulate the human imagination. On the other hand, these first cities also had rigid social class divisions that extended the city's benefits to only a small minority of the urban population. With the emergence of city-states and urban empires, human warfare and bloodshed rose to unparalleled levels."
And with regard to urbanization in North America from colonial times through the 20th century, I just want to underscore that broad way of characterizing this period. From colonial times through the early 20th century, this was a period of "URBAN IMPLOSION" in which CENTRIPETAL FORCES were dominant and people were drawn into the city. Cities were fairly compact and densely populated, and because of industry often rather dirty and polluted. Beginning in the mid 20th century, an "URBAN EXPLOSION" takes place in which CENTRIFUGAL FORCES such as our auto/highway system begin to draw people out of central cities to surrounding suburbs. It is a time of METROPOLITAN EXPANSION, and the rise of the MEGALOPOLIS, such as the Boston-Washington D.C. corridor which is almost one continuous urban conglomeration. We will be examining some of the adverse consequences of this trend in "Geography of Nowhere" toward the end of the course and I believe it will also come up in our discussion of "City: Urbanism and Its End," which we will be getting into shortly.
I hope that helps to fill in some gaps in what I tried to present in class this past Tuesday.
WIRTH'S ESSAY
As you recall, we just got into Wirth's famous essay, "Urbanism as a Way of Life," yesterday. I want to present the rest of this in this blog, and include some critical perspective from that text I used in the past. I do this so that we can begin to discuss our new book next Tuesday according to that schedule I handed out. There is a lot more to Wirth's essay than I am going to bring out here. For example, I appreciate the plea he makes at the very end for a comprehensive theory of the city rather than a collection of unsupportable judgments about different aspects of the city. This is not to say, of course, that Wirth's theory (or Simmel's, for that matter) is the comprehensive theory we should accept and use. As I will note below, many aspects of his theory have been challenged by more recent research.
A. As you recall, Wirth begins his essay by offering a definition of the city based on THREE characteristics, and then he proceeds to deduce the social consequences that follow from each of these characteristics. His definition: The city is "a relatively large, dense, and permanent settlement of socially and culturally heterogeneous individuals." (p. 148)
1. Size of the Population Aggregate: large population size he believed to be correlated with greater occupational and cultural diversity. And with people from many different cultural backgrounds and pursuing specialized lines of work, this necessitated more dependence on formal control structures, such as a legal system. Secondary group contacts more important. Relationships come to be based more on utility and rationality. As Wirth himself says (and note his use of Simmel's term, "blase": "...the city is characterized by secondary rather than primary contacts. The contacts of the city may indeed be face-to-face, but they are nevertheless impersonal, superficial, transitory, and segmental. The reserve, the indifference, and the blase outlook which urbanites manifest in their relationships may thus be regarded as devices for immunizing themselves against the personal claims and expectations of others."
"The superficiality, the anonymity, and the transitory character of urban social relations make intelligible, also, the sophistication and the rationality generally ascribed to city-dwellers." etc. (p. 153)
2. Population density: this just intensifies the above effects. Diversity comes to be reflected in distinct neighborhoods based on class and ethnicity. Wirth called this process of specializtion, "ecological specialization." Tend to judge or regard others on (superficial) outward characteristics or symbols such as uniforms, types of homes people live in, etc. Although there may be greater toleration of differences among urbanites, there also tends to be an increase in social distance. High density may also increase anti-social behavior. And, reminiscent of Simmel, Wirth says, "The close living together and working together of individuals who have no sentimental and emotional ties foster a spirit of competition, aggrandizement, and mutual exploitation. Formal controls are instituted to counteract irresponsibility and potential disorder. Without rigid adherence to predictable routines a large compact society would scarcely be able to maintain itself. The clock and the traffic signal are symbolic of the basis of our social order in the urban world." etc. (p. 156)
3. Heterogeneity: Among the consequences of this, Wirth identifies "depersonalization." Against a background of commercial mass production and consumption, personal relations are eroded by an emphasis on money. Also, social mobility undercuts the establishment of binding traditions.
Clearly, the above theory of urbanism is quite pessimistic. The authors of that text observed: "... Wirth was pessimistic about urbanism as a way of life. He saw the city as an acid that, in time, dissolved traditional values and undermined...meaningful relationships."
____________________________
That's all for now. I'll blog the criticism of Wirth's essay on Monday.
Monday, September 13, 2010
Reminder & Extra Credit Opportunity
REMINDER: Don't forget to post your urban impression comment by Wednesday. I saw Maya's there this morning, so that means Frances and Hannah need to do this. Remember that I will be lecturing on the origin of the city and we will be discussing those two classic essays I handed out last Thursday, beginning with Simmel's "Metropolis and Mental Life." On Tuesday (9/14) we will meet in Main 122, then go from there to some more comfortable corner of the Great Oaks lounge in Milliken.
EXTRA CREDIT OPPORTUNITY: As you know, former Spartanburg Mayor, Bill Barnett, will be our Convocation Speaker on Thursday (9/16) of this week. If you attend and want to earn 3 extra credit points, I'd like you to post a short reflection on his talk focusing on anything he says that helps you understand the challenges of being the mayor of a city such as Spartanburg. I am not sure what his specific topic will be, but I would guess that in his speech he will say something about his time as mayor which you can comment on. All I am looking for is a paragraph or two. And, if for some strange reason, he does not say anything pertinent to city government, then you are welcome to focus on what you believe was the most significant thing he said in general.
EXTRA CREDIT OPPORTUNITY: As you know, former Spartanburg Mayor, Bill Barnett, will be our Convocation Speaker on Thursday (9/16) of this week. If you attend and want to earn 3 extra credit points, I'd like you to post a short reflection on his talk focusing on anything he says that helps you understand the challenges of being the mayor of a city such as Spartanburg. I am not sure what his specific topic will be, but I would guess that in his speech he will say something about his time as mayor which you can comment on. All I am looking for is a paragraph or two. And, if for some strange reason, he does not say anything pertinent to city government, then you are welcome to focus on what you believe was the most significant thing he said in general.
Monday, September 6, 2010
Welcome & First Exercise
WELCOME to the blog that I have set up for this course, Sociology 230, Urban Sociology. We will be using this blog for a variety of activities this semester, which would include the following:
(1) For what I call "activities and exercises" in the course syllabus, such as the one described below. I may ask you to comment on some video program I may show in class, or on something in the assigned reading, etc.. Among these activities and exercises, you will be called upon to contribute some questions for both the midterm and final exams, which will be posted on this blog. I may also use this blog to post descriptions of some of the short essays you'll be writing during the semester.
(2) I may use this blog, on occasion, to post lecture notes, if I get behind in class. Frequently, I will use this blog to follow-up on a class lecture or discussion to clarify or elaborate on a point I made in class. (BUT PLEASE DO NOT EXPECT THAT I WILL BE POSTING EVERYTHING I COVER IN CLASS ON THIS BLOG.)
(3) There may also be some extra credit opportunities for which I will ask you to post a comment on some outside lecture, film or article that is pertinent to the class.
(4) Finally, you, of course are welcome to use this blog to comment on or ask questions on anything we cover in class.
When I do post an exercise I will always be sure to mention it in class and ask you to check the blog, but I would also suggest that you get in the habit of checking this blog once or twice a week even if I don't call you attention to it in class. This blog will be an important source that you will need to consult for both the midterm and final exams, not to mention the short essays and paper you'll also be doing.
_____________________________
FIRST EXERCISE: URBAN IMPRESSIONS
I want each of you to post a one or two-paragraph comment on your impressions of visiting or living in a large city (roughly 250,000 or more). General impressions are fine, but also include at least one particular experience you had which you believe is indicative of urban life in America today. This exercise is worth 5 activity points, and I'd like you to post your comment by WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 15TH.
(1) For what I call "activities and exercises" in the course syllabus, such as the one described below. I may ask you to comment on some video program I may show in class, or on something in the assigned reading, etc.. Among these activities and exercises, you will be called upon to contribute some questions for both the midterm and final exams, which will be posted on this blog. I may also use this blog to post descriptions of some of the short essays you'll be writing during the semester.
(2) I may use this blog, on occasion, to post lecture notes, if I get behind in class. Frequently, I will use this blog to follow-up on a class lecture or discussion to clarify or elaborate on a point I made in class. (BUT PLEASE DO NOT EXPECT THAT I WILL BE POSTING EVERYTHING I COVER IN CLASS ON THIS BLOG.)
(3) There may also be some extra credit opportunities for which I will ask you to post a comment on some outside lecture, film or article that is pertinent to the class.
(4) Finally, you, of course are welcome to use this blog to comment on or ask questions on anything we cover in class.
When I do post an exercise I will always be sure to mention it in class and ask you to check the blog, but I would also suggest that you get in the habit of checking this blog once or twice a week even if I don't call you attention to it in class. This blog will be an important source that you will need to consult for both the midterm and final exams, not to mention the short essays and paper you'll also be doing.
_____________________________
FIRST EXERCISE: URBAN IMPRESSIONS
I want each of you to post a one or two-paragraph comment on your impressions of visiting or living in a large city (roughly 250,000 or more). General impressions are fine, but also include at least one particular experience you had which you believe is indicative of urban life in America today. This exercise is worth 5 activity points, and I'd like you to post your comment by WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 15TH.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)